Metapolítica
articles
By Eduardo Hernando Nieto
Can we talk about philosophy in the early republic? indeed for philosophers as Salazar Bondy and Sobral, philosophy in Peru recently given to the late nineteenth century [1] , and this because before this time, even intellectual discussion is based on theology or walking speeches somewhere between classical philosophy and positivism (still in training). Coinciding partly as important philosophers San Marquino actually think that there was no philosophy in the early Republic but for reasons completely different from those identified by the teachers mentioned. Moreover, we venture to argue that so far can hardly be found in the original sense philosophy that gave its founders. Surely, here must also be the cause of our continuing agony as a community project that generated so much angst among our intellectuals as preventing Basadre and other historians noted that Peru has not been consolidated and always had to be found on the prospect of eternal possibility [2] .
Our thesis is really simple and part of that philosophy can not manifest without the existence of a city [3] is evident then that given the context of formation and consolidation of a new state at the beginning of the century XIX, could hardly speak of philosophy in this period, moreover, when we know full well that to date the Republic is not consolidated by the nature of the problems we faced even before the emancipatory stage [4] and the difficulty to specify the nature of our problems.
However, it is clear that there has been no philosophy because there were no ideas and discussions. Obviously human thought and particularly the political thought [5] is inherent in human life but the philosophy and political philosophy beyond the simple political thought [6] lacking an understanding of the nature of politics and human nature in the end. Indeed, in our Republican history and the pre - independence would have begun to string together various manifestations of political thought that would then appear as worldviews [7] . But let's be clear from the beginning: a thing is the thought expressed in terms of ideology or worldview [8] and another very different is the thought expressed in the form of knowledge of the whole world, ie in terms of philosophy. [9]
In this sense, for there own philosophy of how it was developed by its founders, namely, Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, would have to assume in principle that nature exists [10] and to be understood as a whole: "Philosophy is a quest for wisdom, is a quest for universal knowledge, for knowledge of the whole. Such a search would be unnecessary if such knowledge was at hand. " [11] But just as men can have opinions about all we can expect that from them can be reached closer to knowledge. In short, philosophy is nothing more than pursuit of truth [12] and political also arises from the fact that the search should be collective, dialogic or deliberative and finally located in a physical space, this is in a city [13] .
So historically philosophy was born in a town in crisis seeking to restore the unity that was lost [14] metaphorically dissolving the unity that is knowledge and the task of philosophy is therefore to prevent such dissolution. In this sense, one might think that the crisis of the English monarchy would precipitate a revival of the philosophy to protect the unit, however, the story would be completely different. In fact, the English monarchy was the work of philosophy and theology [15] having always a tension between these two dimensions. So while philosophy would be revealing to discover the knowledge of nature, theology to faith and worship could presume to possess such knowledge. Faced with such tension could hardly speak of a community (in the sense of polis) in the world of English Empire and the proof would be the ease with which the rationalist model Bourbon English Empire seized quickly liquidating medieval political structures if they were close to the philosophy and even remained in the Habsburg regime [16] .
In any case, the tension would be resolved in favor of theology and this is what was seen during the religious wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries which pitted Catholic theologians (neoscholastic) against Protestant theologians in which each party would seek to have the truth. The conflict would end then with the consolidation of modern contractualism [17] . Finally, the increasing secularization of natural law set up the different ideologies which will both before independence and after it.
In fact, the ambiguity of the English monarchy finally its modernity [18] precipitate its own dissolution as the same "philosophy enlightened" bury that have been originated during the heyday of the English Empire with the neo-scholasticism which provided for foreign legal forms such as the "translatio imperii" in which he warned the popular nature of authority that precede this thesis then iunaturalistas modern ideas about the popular will and character defining policy [19] .
Actually contractarian thesis not only approximate the neo-Scholastic to modernity but also they would be identified as responsible - among others - the translation of the theory of subjective rights that flowed from a speech like the neo-Thomist Domingo de Soto to try for example to define the term dominium (property) as the faculty (faculty) or the ius (right) from someone about something, that is, as a subjective right, which is completely changed meaning to the term given right Thomas. [20] Finally, the new interpretation of public international law or international law that if something natural (St. Thomas) went through the work of Vitoria neoscholastic to be the result of a convention and to establish the parameters of European public international law [21] .
For all this, no surprise then that the "Enlightenment philosophy" [22] could have moved so quickly to the next century and in all its various manifestations [23] . This figure would then be the intellectual force that would feed all the discussions both before and after independence in Peru. Thus, in relation to the pre-emancipation Pablo Macera warns that in the early stages of the independence process trends demonstrated natural law, enlightened and liberal respectively [24] , or what is the same revolutionary and conservative ideologies.
For example we could find arguments of conservative and religious nature rather critical of the radical thesis of Rousseau and his state of nature that would be ignoring the importance of original sin:
"Belief in a primitive stage of kindness involves reducing the effects of the loss of grace for the original sin. Then to the indifferent position of man in their relationship with God was within walking distance " [25]
then asserted
As a representative of the Society of Peru lovers years before independence.
But we could also find very strong presence of French Enlightenment ideal after independence we would find in this quote from Perez de Tudela:
"We are at the beginning of time our society will be as if the world had ended out of the hands of its creator " [26]
Here we could identify a thesis so much to the revolutionary side of rationalism French sought to create the new political order literally from scratch, leaving all the past out of touch even when there could have some value [27] . In this sense, both the colonial and prehispanic what would be left out, because "to Bolívar, as most leaders, the republic was really a new beginning because there was nothing to salvage from the colonial legacy" [28] . These reasons ultimately serve to strengthen the thesis that what existed before and after independence was theology rather than philosophy.
Certainly, if there is anything that defines modernity is the separation of man from the city [29] , namely, the emergence of the idea of \u200b\u200bautonomy and immediately creates a tension with the city until it was later subject to individual will. The conflict between man and the city and the subsequent resolution of the conflict by appealing to the mechanical hierarchy was the next step and as who initiated the break was the very man then began to perceive the city and nature subordinate to the will of subject.
This is in essence what it means to modernity and born after the harmony between the will and reason is broken or what is the same when theology philosophy requires and search submission. Once this had been done enough so that theology is secularized and we then pure ideology.
But far from being positive ideologies that prevent not only can form a community but also to recover the philosophy and thus aspire to find a better community. In the political arena and also excludes the ideology is the enemy of pluralism and difference while philosophy is inclusive and is based on pluralism and freedom [30] . This would explain why such emancipation was not a community event but depended on certain urban features such as being outside the peasant sector [31] . Ideology is also intolerant because inherit the dogmatic view of theology does not allow criticism or reformulation, ideologies will then face each other making it the conflict of their natural environment.
But even more, the biggest problem of ideological thinking to be developed since the eighteenth century was that stemmed from a biased understanding of human nature. Just by doing this - again a result of the partial view of ideology and its separation from nature - will generate different varieties of ideological thinking that basically depend on the nature of the component human is chosen as the basis or starting point. So while French illuminated base their worldview on reason, the Scottish Enlightenment and English will follow in the German feelings and imagination, creating approaches that rationalists, empiricists and historical, but in the ideological field itself could speak now Democratic thinking - idealistic, conservative - liberal and nationalist or expressed in other terms of universalism, individualism and communitarianism.
Thus, both Democrats, conservatives and liberals will coexist in the period before and after independence and therefore be charged in the debates a farrago of ideas scattered [32] they would also identify with these traditions lit - and even before them - as might be the claim of moderation, customs and individualism characteristic of Anglo-Saxon conservatism ("Monteagudo?), the radical demand for freedom, liberty and progress, typical of French rationalism ("Bolivar?) or a nationalist and patriotic vision within the meaning of Macera was expressed by all liberal thought [33] .
In this sense, it is also very common to try to gather ideas or rather parts and to artificially have a perfect model in which to bring together everything that you consider right and good [34] . For example would claims of freedom, equality, property, order, moderation etc., So that everyone could accept such a model suggested as perceived in this reference about the nature of the thought of Vidaurre:
"Vidal said that their mentors are Locke, Grotius and Pufendorff, thus making a combination of rationalist and empiricist lines of liberal thought. Moreover, Hobbes is also an essential ingredient of its synthesis. Vidaurre hosts the Hobbesian distinction between natural state that leads to war and marital status is the social contract and is asserted by the law, but unlike Hobbes, trying to reach not only to economic and social liberalism, but political: do not forget that the actions of Vidaurre within Peruvian politics of the early years of the Republic is on the side of liberal and opposed to those considered essential to political authoritarianism to ensure their freedoms - economic. " [35]
After consolidating the ideological plane then came a second stage had to more to do with the second manifestation of secular theology now express in terms of law and morals. That is, the ideology as its name indicated was based on ideas but now had to translate such ideas in writing and to pursue [36] , and this was then where it appeared constitutional discourse which constitutes the final stage in the modernization and seeking and concretize the modern ideologies:
"The program was based on liberal ideas of individualism, contractual and intended to protect civil liberty, personal security, equality before the law and property of citizens. In the first Constitution - of liberal inspiration - to be considered a citizen was required the condition of having a property or to perform any economic activity, specifically excluding the quality of citizen and household workers. Soon this exclusion was limited by the constitution after domestic servants and those who did not pay any taxes, and finally towards the end of the century these requirements for citizenship were abolished, subsisting on the status of literacy. Instead, the requirement of having a property or income or be a teacher for the purposes of being eligible as a representative of Congress, spent a longer time. The 1867 Constitution abolished these conditions, but was short lived and was replaced by the previous constitution 1860 to 1920. " [37]
Definitely, the number of constitutions that we have are like the best reflection of what it means to start searching for the best political regime [38] in the absence of community, ie, when passing the "ought" in a vacuum and that this "ought" that will be reflected in the many so-called liberal or conservative constitutions then proceed to the various political visions that accompany the factions that have been present throughout our history as a republic and inherent in a medium without community.
legal discourse then began to surround the whole scene and it was logical to the extent that modern law was in fact the embodiment of Enlightenment thought. His birth takes place when there is this absolute trust in the law, assuming it can change any reality (instrumental), ie, it is sufficient that the law be changed so as to reform a community or an institution. But at the same time, this legal discourse ultimately be expressed in moral terms because, as we warned in a footnote on page legal tradition in Peru of the nineteenth century drew on modern natural law was at bottom a form of moral discourse secularized [39] .
addition, the legal discourse was also unphilosophical - hence its links with theology - in the sense that it was not subject to deliberation but tended more to the tax and penalty. Its construction was once again a result of abstraction or alienation of man from nature and thus was manifested their way through the standard that ultimately appeared as a human creation as discussed with regard to the work of Heineccio:
"Heineccio criticizes in his foreword, the ancient concept of Roman law, according to which, this was infallible and proposes another Universal Law to replace him, which must be based on natural equity. Heineccio in the preface of his work and many passages admit the validity of the views of authors such as Hobbes, Pufendorf and thomasi among others, who want to explain and understand all the law with only the light of natural reason, rejecting all authority of Scripture , the Fathers of the Church and any other. " [40]
But in the case of Ahrens, the other lawyer of undoubted influence on nineteenth-century Peru, was perceived not only historicist own line of enlightened traditions but the idea that his " Natural Law Course " could finally have a complete understanding of all reality. In fact, the legal discourse the philosophical treasured of all but its connection with theology and ideology - a difference of philosophy - then claimed possession of absolute truth:
"The law is a principle of life that emerges from the creation of finite beings endowed with reason and freedom, and perfect for a social order. However, all orders and degrees of each building are ordered in view of others, and this unity of organization at the same time different laws and harmonics must have its reason in the existence of a supreme being God, that source of all intelligence, not a force or substance is immobile and blind, but if the absolute intelligence and providence in the world, that keeps the eternal principles in the evolution and possible aberrations of finite beings. " [41]
recap then everything written so far not found in first place with a context in which theology was subjected to philosophy and therefore generate the stimuli for which a next stage is the ideology that comes from outside through the various manifestations of European enlightenment. Once found asserted there is a next phase is set by presence of legal and moral discourse and an endless number of constitutional proposals which paradoxically require the support of physical force for force.
This actually prevented in our view the possibility of forming a community which in turn is essential to begin developing philosophy and political philosophy.
Jorge Basadre, endorsing a quote from a Chilean writer sentenced to both Peru and Bolivia never really existed conservatives and liberals, Democrats and monarchists, or federal unit except by chance, because in fact we had always opted between despotisms military leaders. This has made the militarism that has also helped that policies could achieve power [42] .
Obviously this claim is plausible and confirms our view about the nature of Peru as the scene of strife and not "city", however, which do not refer Basadre is the fact that these conflicts between leaders was not due to chance but this whole process of modernity that was presented in a space where there was a community. In fact, in contexts where there was community and the effects of ideology were not as dire as in our case.
So what would be the relevance of philosophy if we know that it could not happen without the city?. Philosophy and political philosophy in particular serves primarily to preserve the community and most importantly to improve it. But what if no city?.
definitely the key to everything lies in the creation of the city and right here we ask ourselves, how the community is born?. Is it by chance?, Will you have to do with the power and strength?, "Depend on the lawyers?.
If today we have come to ask the right questions, this is achieved fair share of philosophy, ie philosophy, and finally if he has a lot to The draft constitution of a city, although in this case we're talking more of a philosophy that arises spontaneously and would say isolated, but that could grow as the city also generates.
The true philosopher then it could be sustained in principle that the conditions of our situation and advise those who would also act to the constitution of the city once again appeared could be improved with the advice of the philosopher and the philosophy policy.
[1] Augusto Salazar Bondy, Philosophy in Peru. Historical Overview (Lima: Edit Universe, 1967), David Sobral, Contemporary Philosophy in Peru, studies, reviews and notes on its development and current situation (Lima: Carlos Matta editor, 1996)
[2] Jorge Basadre, Peru: Problems and Prospects, (Lima: Cotecsa, 1984) pp .
49 -50 [3] Therefore, all philosophy is at bottom political philosophy. This thesis we take the monumental work of Leo Strauss (1899 - 1973) which will also be the basis of our text and to help us support the hypothesis that there was no philosophy in this period of the early republic and most likely not the existence to date. To begin to discover the meaning of philosophy Leo Strauss policy see "What is Political Philosophy?" in: What is Political Philosophy and Other Studies, (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1998), also The city and man (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1998) and our article, "political theology or political philosophy?: the friendly conversation between Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss, Carl Schmitt and thought his time (Buenos Aires: EUDEBA, 2.002) among other texts.
However, we still can not be sure of the answer to the question that arises as a community, also for work of philosophy? , Is it by chance?, "Divine intervention? or ultimately "depend on the strength and power?
[4] In this regard we can cite the work of Christopher Aljovín showing our turbulent political past, especially the continued presence of political emergency that carried the leadership. Christopher Aljovín, Warlords and constitutions. Peru from 1821 to 1845. (Lima: FCE, 2,000) and more recently, Gustavo Montoya, the independence of Peru and the specter of revolution, (Lima: IEP, 2.002)
[5] Eye political thought comes to assuming this does not necessarily takes place within a community, ie there can be no city policy speech constituted.
[6] Leo Strauss, "Introduction to History of Political Philosophy" in An Introduction to Political Philosophy, ten essays by Leo Strauss, Hilail Gilden (ed) (Detroit, Michigan: Wayne State University Press, 1989)
[ 7] Pablo Macera, Three stages in the development of national consciousness, (Lima: Fanal, 1954)
[8] definitely the best description of what an ideology is proposed by Martin Heidegger to consider the idea worldview or representation defines the thinking of modernity, and in this sense, ideology is just that a "world view." Martin Heidegger, "The age of the world picture "in: The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays (New York: Harper & Row, 1977)
[9] Leo Strauss," The three waves of modernity "in An Introduction to Political Philosophy, have essays by Leo Strauss, Hilail Gilden (ed) (Detroit, Michigan: Wayne State University Press, 1989)
[10] philosophy actually appears when you start thinking about the nature and not according to Gods In this sense, it is clear that before Socrates, Plato and Aristotle philosophy, however, Socrates in the fund would actually be the first philosopher to define a particular way to nature to consider it in terms of idea or form and not as happened with the pre-Socratic philosophy in which nature was a more physical goods. The concept of nature
actually emanates from the basic question that begins with the philosophy: What is ...? and the answer to the question "that" necessarily have to move on to the idea of \u200b\u200bthe character, form or nature of the object. Therefore, the question undoubtedly inherent in the birth of political philosophy would be the man asks, What is man? Thus penetrating the political nature of human beings. See Leo Strauss, "Introduction to History of Political Philosophy "Ibid. p.165.
[11] Leo Strauss, "What is Political Philosophy?" P. 11.
[12] Ibid .
[13] Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition, (New York: Polity Press, 1993) Chapter 2, What is politics? (New York: Polity Press, 1997)
[14] Allan Bloom, "The society's political philosopher Socrates: Socratic point of view" in: Giants and Dwarfs (Barcelona: Gedisa, 1999) p. 137.
[15] At least in theory because our thesis is that the English monarchy philosophy subject to the faith by which gradually philosophy will be losing space.
[16] organicism We think that may be reflected in the idea of \u200b\u200bempire made up of different kingdoms, or in the case of Peru in the idea of \u200b\u200bthe body of the Republic, set up by the English Republic and the Republic of Indians. Indeed, the organic view is philosophical origin. For the presentation of the organic view of the Hispanic Empire can be seen: Fernan Altuve Kingdoms of Peru notes on the monarchy Peru (Lima: Editorial Dupla SRL, 2001) second edition. The thesis of the body of the Republic, Rafael Sánchez Concha, "The body of the Republic in the colonial political thought" Humanities, No. 21. 1992.
[17] In fact, the modern natural law tradition would begin with the so-called first wave of the currency in which an author as Machiavelli might see in nature to a separate object of man and therefore would simply be moldable material according to the will of subject. The modern natural law is merely the translation of voluntarism underlying pure theology. Leo Strauss, "The three waves of modernity" Ibid., P.85.
[18] Certainly this statement may be controversial if we understand everything that appears modern and rational, however, appreciate the English imperial thought we with great influence of messianic and eschatological thought - see irrational from the modern position - although it is still discussed the nature of messianic speech may perhaps be ultimately a secular manifestation of the Christian and theological vision but with elements of pagan traditions such as the If Hesiod or Renaissance Neoplatonic traditions. For a reference of Hispanic eschatology see Ramón Mujica, Apocryphal Angels in Colonial America (Lima: FCE, 1992) can also be reviewed by Frances Yates, The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan era (Mexico: FCE, 1982) and especially his essay "Charles V and the idea of \u200b\u200bempire "in Astrea the imperial theme in the Sixteenth Century (London: Pimlico, 1993)
[19] " The royal authority comes directly from God, the author of nature, as we said. But because this is no special revelation or donation, but for some natural consequence, which shows the natural reason, for the same immediately given by God to that subject only to those who are by force of natural reason. However, this subject is the people themselves, and not some person from him, "Francisco Suarez, Defensio fidei adversus catholicae anglicanae SCTA errors, 3, 3, 12. Cited by Ignacio Gómez Robledo, The origin of political power as Francisco Suárez (Mexico: Editorial Jus, 1948) p.145.
course community here is not a sum of individuals but following the scholarly thesis and at least from a theoretical point of view an organic body, thus differentiating the contractarian theory of modern natural law. However, reference to which power is held by the community even if it was granted by God rather close to what Walter Ullmann medievalist would call up a theory of power, and this reading is basically the thesis conciliarists century XIV who opposed conceptions of power would be down closer to the vision traditional. Walter Ullmann Medieval Political Thought, Introduction (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 1970).
However, it should be added that the thesis of the "translatio imperii" can be linked to the eschatological visions of medieval historiography based on the Book of Daniel and transmitted to the West during the period of the patristic by St. Jerome imperial history unfolds in terms of four empires like the Assyrian, the Persian, Greek, Roman Empire and finally the last (fifth), which could be merged with the Habsburgs the Inca. See Mario Góngora, Study on the colonial history of Latin America (Santiago de Chile: Editorial University, 1998) pp. 213 to 222.
[20] Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories, Their origin and development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979) p.48.
[21] Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, Volume 2, The Age of Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978) p.152.
[22] The "Enlightenment philosophy" would not really philosophy, but "historicism" and Strauss correspond according to the second wave of modernity. Such discourse would be represented here by the prospect of Jean Jacques Rousseau. "The characteristics of the first wave were the reduction of moral and political problems to technical problems, and the concept of nature as a being in need of being overshadowed by the simple device which civilization "Leo Strauss," The three waves of modernity ". p.89. Rousseau
then takes us back to a stage called pre-human nature and it suffers from flaws that will work yet overtaken by history.
For a critique of the most famous illustration, ie, the French see Isaiah Berlin, The Crooked Timber of Humanity, (London: Fontana, 1991), Freedom and Its Betrayal, Vico and Herder (London: The Hogarth Press, 1976), (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2002) among others.
[23] John Gray, Liberalism (Madrid: Alianza, 1993)
[24] Pablo Macera, Three stages in the development of national consciousness
[25] Pablo Macera, Three stages in the development of national consciousness, p.69.
[26] "Memory in favor of the adoption of the republican system, read the Patriotic Society at the meeting of May 8, 1822." Bolivarian Museum Bulletin, a. 1, No. 11 p.386. Cited by Augusto Salazar Bondy between Scylla and Charybdis, (Lima: INC, 1973) p.83.
[27] Precisely this was the argument of conservative discourse, referring to Edmund Burke critically to the French Revolution, particularly the fact that she absolutely refused all of the heavy and thought it was to build an order without taking anything from what existed previously. View Edmund Burke, "Reflections on the Revolution in France" in: Select Works of Edmund Burke, Vol.2 (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1999)
[28] Aljovín Cristobal, Warlords and Constitutions, p.82.
[29] Leo Strauss, The City and Man (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1998)
[30] Which can be seen simply by looking at nature
[31] Jorge Basadre, the random history and its limits (Lima: PL Villanueva Editor, 1973) p.234.
[32] Although true worth in our country do not receive the ideas of the most important representatives of modern thought, but rather lower secondary literature disseminators of modernism as was the case of a disciple of Pufendorff, Johann Gottlieb Heinecke or influential Heineccio the pre-and post-independence and indirect disciple of Hegel, Heinrich Ahrens that had its heyday in the mid-nineteenth century. See Fernando de Trazegnies, the idea of \u200b\u200blaw in the nineteenth century Republican Peru (Lima: PUCP, 1992), pp. 77 to 89.
[33] Pablo Macera, Three stages in the development of consciousness national, p.117.
[34] The idea of \u200b\u200bpolitics understood as malleable material Machiavelli obviously born
[35] Fernando de Trazegnies, the idea of \u200b\u200blaw in the nineteenth century Republican Peru
p.156 [36] Certainly the presence of writing is a sign of lack of confidence with which we also detected a lack of community.
[37] Ibid, pp 45 to 46.
[38] exactly is the purpose of political philosophy. See Leo Strauss, What is Political Philosophy?
And Other studies [39] See in this regard Villey Michel, La pensee formation of juridique moderne. Cours d'histoire de la philosophie du droit 1961 - 1966 (Paris: Editions Montchrestien, 1968)
[40] Salvador Runs Rufino, chair of History of Natural Law (1770 - 1794) (León: Universidad de León 1993) p.111.
[41] Henry Ahrens, Natural Law Course (Madrid: Bailly - Bailliers and sons, 1906) sixth edition, p.136.
[42] Jorge Basadre, Peru: problems and possibilities, pp. 49 to 50.
Our thesis is really simple and part of that philosophy can not manifest without the existence of a city [3] is evident then that given the context of formation and consolidation of a new state at the beginning of the century XIX, could hardly speak of philosophy in this period, moreover, when we know full well that to date the Republic is not consolidated by the nature of the problems we faced even before the emancipatory stage [4] and the difficulty to specify the nature of our problems.
However, it is clear that there has been no philosophy because there were no ideas and discussions. Obviously human thought and particularly the political thought [5] is inherent in human life but the philosophy and political philosophy beyond the simple political thought [6] lacking an understanding of the nature of politics and human nature in the end. Indeed, in our Republican history and the pre - independence would have begun to string together various manifestations of political thought that would then appear as worldviews [7] . But let's be clear from the beginning: a thing is the thought expressed in terms of ideology or worldview [8] and another very different is the thought expressed in the form of knowledge of the whole world, ie in terms of philosophy. [9]
In this sense, for there own philosophy of how it was developed by its founders, namely, Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, would have to assume in principle that nature exists [10] and to be understood as a whole: "Philosophy is a quest for wisdom, is a quest for universal knowledge, for knowledge of the whole. Such a search would be unnecessary if such knowledge was at hand. " [11] But just as men can have opinions about all we can expect that from them can be reached closer to knowledge. In short, philosophy is nothing more than pursuit of truth [12] and political also arises from the fact that the search should be collective, dialogic or deliberative and finally located in a physical space, this is in a city [13] .
So historically philosophy was born in a town in crisis seeking to restore the unity that was lost [14] metaphorically dissolving the unity that is knowledge and the task of philosophy is therefore to prevent such dissolution. In this sense, one might think that the crisis of the English monarchy would precipitate a revival of the philosophy to protect the unit, however, the story would be completely different. In fact, the English monarchy was the work of philosophy and theology [15] having always a tension between these two dimensions. So while philosophy would be revealing to discover the knowledge of nature, theology to faith and worship could presume to possess such knowledge. Faced with such tension could hardly speak of a community (in the sense of polis) in the world of English Empire and the proof would be the ease with which the rationalist model Bourbon English Empire seized quickly liquidating medieval political structures if they were close to the philosophy and even remained in the Habsburg regime [16] .
In any case, the tension would be resolved in favor of theology and this is what was seen during the religious wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries which pitted Catholic theologians (neoscholastic) against Protestant theologians in which each party would seek to have the truth. The conflict would end then with the consolidation of modern contractualism [17] . Finally, the increasing secularization of natural law set up the different ideologies which will both before independence and after it.
In fact, the ambiguity of the English monarchy finally its modernity [18] precipitate its own dissolution as the same "philosophy enlightened" bury that have been originated during the heyday of the English Empire with the neo-scholasticism which provided for foreign legal forms such as the "translatio imperii" in which he warned the popular nature of authority that precede this thesis then iunaturalistas modern ideas about the popular will and character defining policy [19] .
Actually contractarian thesis not only approximate the neo-Scholastic to modernity but also they would be identified as responsible - among others - the translation of the theory of subjective rights that flowed from a speech like the neo-Thomist Domingo de Soto to try for example to define the term dominium (property) as the faculty (faculty) or the ius (right) from someone about something, that is, as a subjective right, which is completely changed meaning to the term given right Thomas. [20] Finally, the new interpretation of public international law or international law that if something natural (St. Thomas) went through the work of Vitoria neoscholastic to be the result of a convention and to establish the parameters of European public international law [21] .
For all this, no surprise then that the "Enlightenment philosophy" [22] could have moved so quickly to the next century and in all its various manifestations [23] . This figure would then be the intellectual force that would feed all the discussions both before and after independence in Peru. Thus, in relation to the pre-emancipation Pablo Macera warns that in the early stages of the independence process trends demonstrated natural law, enlightened and liberal respectively [24] , or what is the same revolutionary and conservative ideologies.
For example we could find arguments of conservative and religious nature rather critical of the radical thesis of Rousseau and his state of nature that would be ignoring the importance of original sin:
"Belief in a primitive stage of kindness involves reducing the effects of the loss of grace for the original sin. Then to the indifferent position of man in their relationship with God was within walking distance " [25]
then asserted
As a representative of the Society of Peru lovers years before independence.
But we could also find very strong presence of French Enlightenment ideal after independence we would find in this quote from Perez de Tudela:
"We are at the beginning of time our society will be as if the world had ended out of the hands of its creator " [26]
Here we could identify a thesis so much to the revolutionary side of rationalism French sought to create the new political order literally from scratch, leaving all the past out of touch even when there could have some value [27] . In this sense, both the colonial and prehispanic what would be left out, because "to Bolívar, as most leaders, the republic was really a new beginning because there was nothing to salvage from the colonial legacy" [28] . These reasons ultimately serve to strengthen the thesis that what existed before and after independence was theology rather than philosophy.
Certainly, if there is anything that defines modernity is the separation of man from the city [29] , namely, the emergence of the idea of \u200b\u200bautonomy and immediately creates a tension with the city until it was later subject to individual will. The conflict between man and the city and the subsequent resolution of the conflict by appealing to the mechanical hierarchy was the next step and as who initiated the break was the very man then began to perceive the city and nature subordinate to the will of subject.
This is in essence what it means to modernity and born after the harmony between the will and reason is broken or what is the same when theology philosophy requires and search submission. Once this had been done enough so that theology is secularized and we then pure ideology.
But far from being positive ideologies that prevent not only can form a community but also to recover the philosophy and thus aspire to find a better community. In the political arena and also excludes the ideology is the enemy of pluralism and difference while philosophy is inclusive and is based on pluralism and freedom [30] . This would explain why such emancipation was not a community event but depended on certain urban features such as being outside the peasant sector [31] . Ideology is also intolerant because inherit the dogmatic view of theology does not allow criticism or reformulation, ideologies will then face each other making it the conflict of their natural environment.
But even more, the biggest problem of ideological thinking to be developed since the eighteenth century was that stemmed from a biased understanding of human nature. Just by doing this - again a result of the partial view of ideology and its separation from nature - will generate different varieties of ideological thinking that basically depend on the nature of the component human is chosen as the basis or starting point. So while French illuminated base their worldview on reason, the Scottish Enlightenment and English will follow in the German feelings and imagination, creating approaches that rationalists, empiricists and historical, but in the ideological field itself could speak now Democratic thinking - idealistic, conservative - liberal and nationalist or expressed in other terms of universalism, individualism and communitarianism.
Thus, both Democrats, conservatives and liberals will coexist in the period before and after independence and therefore be charged in the debates a farrago of ideas scattered [32] they would also identify with these traditions lit - and even before them - as might be the claim of moderation, customs and individualism characteristic of Anglo-Saxon conservatism ("Monteagudo?), the radical demand for freedom, liberty and progress, typical of French rationalism ("Bolivar?) or a nationalist and patriotic vision within the meaning of Macera was expressed by all liberal thought [33] .
In this sense, it is also very common to try to gather ideas or rather parts and to artificially have a perfect model in which to bring together everything that you consider right and good [34] . For example would claims of freedom, equality, property, order, moderation etc., So that everyone could accept such a model suggested as perceived in this reference about the nature of the thought of Vidaurre:
"Vidal said that their mentors are Locke, Grotius and Pufendorff, thus making a combination of rationalist and empiricist lines of liberal thought. Moreover, Hobbes is also an essential ingredient of its synthesis. Vidaurre hosts the Hobbesian distinction between natural state that leads to war and marital status is the social contract and is asserted by the law, but unlike Hobbes, trying to reach not only to economic and social liberalism, but political: do not forget that the actions of Vidaurre within Peruvian politics of the early years of the Republic is on the side of liberal and opposed to those considered essential to political authoritarianism to ensure their freedoms - economic. " [35]
After consolidating the ideological plane then came a second stage had to more to do with the second manifestation of secular theology now express in terms of law and morals. That is, the ideology as its name indicated was based on ideas but now had to translate such ideas in writing and to pursue [36] , and this was then where it appeared constitutional discourse which constitutes the final stage in the modernization and seeking and concretize the modern ideologies:
"The program was based on liberal ideas of individualism, contractual and intended to protect civil liberty, personal security, equality before the law and property of citizens. In the first Constitution - of liberal inspiration - to be considered a citizen was required the condition of having a property or to perform any economic activity, specifically excluding the quality of citizen and household workers. Soon this exclusion was limited by the constitution after domestic servants and those who did not pay any taxes, and finally towards the end of the century these requirements for citizenship were abolished, subsisting on the status of literacy. Instead, the requirement of having a property or income or be a teacher for the purposes of being eligible as a representative of Congress, spent a longer time. The 1867 Constitution abolished these conditions, but was short lived and was replaced by the previous constitution 1860 to 1920. " [37]
Definitely, the number of constitutions that we have are like the best reflection of what it means to start searching for the best political regime [38] in the absence of community, ie, when passing the "ought" in a vacuum and that this "ought" that will be reflected in the many so-called liberal or conservative constitutions then proceed to the various political visions that accompany the factions that have been present throughout our history as a republic and inherent in a medium without community.
legal discourse then began to surround the whole scene and it was logical to the extent that modern law was in fact the embodiment of Enlightenment thought. His birth takes place when there is this absolute trust in the law, assuming it can change any reality (instrumental), ie, it is sufficient that the law be changed so as to reform a community or an institution. But at the same time, this legal discourse ultimately be expressed in moral terms because, as we warned in a footnote on page legal tradition in Peru of the nineteenth century drew on modern natural law was at bottom a form of moral discourse secularized [39] .
addition, the legal discourse was also unphilosophical - hence its links with theology - in the sense that it was not subject to deliberation but tended more to the tax and penalty. Its construction was once again a result of abstraction or alienation of man from nature and thus was manifested their way through the standard that ultimately appeared as a human creation as discussed with regard to the work of Heineccio:
"Heineccio criticizes in his foreword, the ancient concept of Roman law, according to which, this was infallible and proposes another Universal Law to replace him, which must be based on natural equity. Heineccio in the preface of his work and many passages admit the validity of the views of authors such as Hobbes, Pufendorf and thomasi among others, who want to explain and understand all the law with only the light of natural reason, rejecting all authority of Scripture , the Fathers of the Church and any other. " [40]
But in the case of Ahrens, the other lawyer of undoubted influence on nineteenth-century Peru, was perceived not only historicist own line of enlightened traditions but the idea that his " Natural Law Course " could finally have a complete understanding of all reality. In fact, the legal discourse the philosophical treasured of all but its connection with theology and ideology - a difference of philosophy - then claimed possession of absolute truth:
"The law is a principle of life that emerges from the creation of finite beings endowed with reason and freedom, and perfect for a social order. However, all orders and degrees of each building are ordered in view of others, and this unity of organization at the same time different laws and harmonics must have its reason in the existence of a supreme being God, that source of all intelligence, not a force or substance is immobile and blind, but if the absolute intelligence and providence in the world, that keeps the eternal principles in the evolution and possible aberrations of finite beings. " [41]
recap then everything written so far not found in first place with a context in which theology was subjected to philosophy and therefore generate the stimuli for which a next stage is the ideology that comes from outside through the various manifestations of European enlightenment. Once found asserted there is a next phase is set by presence of legal and moral discourse and an endless number of constitutional proposals which paradoxically require the support of physical force for force.
This actually prevented in our view the possibility of forming a community which in turn is essential to begin developing philosophy and political philosophy.
Jorge Basadre, endorsing a quote from a Chilean writer sentenced to both Peru and Bolivia never really existed conservatives and liberals, Democrats and monarchists, or federal unit except by chance, because in fact we had always opted between despotisms military leaders. This has made the militarism that has also helped that policies could achieve power [42] .
Obviously this claim is plausible and confirms our view about the nature of Peru as the scene of strife and not "city", however, which do not refer Basadre is the fact that these conflicts between leaders was not due to chance but this whole process of modernity that was presented in a space where there was a community. In fact, in contexts where there was community and the effects of ideology were not as dire as in our case.
So what would be the relevance of philosophy if we know that it could not happen without the city?. Philosophy and political philosophy in particular serves primarily to preserve the community and most importantly to improve it. But what if no city?.
definitely the key to everything lies in the creation of the city and right here we ask ourselves, how the community is born?. Is it by chance?, Will you have to do with the power and strength?, "Depend on the lawyers?.
If today we have come to ask the right questions, this is achieved fair share of philosophy, ie philosophy, and finally if he has a lot to The draft constitution of a city, although in this case we're talking more of a philosophy that arises spontaneously and would say isolated, but that could grow as the city also generates.
The true philosopher then it could be sustained in principle that the conditions of our situation and advise those who would also act to the constitution of the city once again appeared could be improved with the advice of the philosopher and the philosophy policy.
[1] Augusto Salazar Bondy, Philosophy in Peru. Historical Overview (Lima: Edit Universe, 1967), David Sobral, Contemporary Philosophy in Peru, studies, reviews and notes on its development and current situation (Lima: Carlos Matta editor, 1996)
[2] Jorge Basadre, Peru: Problems and Prospects, (Lima: Cotecsa, 1984) pp .
49 -50 [3] Therefore, all philosophy is at bottom political philosophy. This thesis we take the monumental work of Leo Strauss (1899 - 1973) which will also be the basis of our text and to help us support the hypothesis that there was no philosophy in this period of the early republic and most likely not the existence to date. To begin to discover the meaning of philosophy Leo Strauss policy see "What is Political Philosophy?" in: What is Political Philosophy and Other Studies, (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1998), also The city and man (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1998) and our article, "political theology or political philosophy?: the friendly conversation between Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss, Carl Schmitt and thought his time (Buenos Aires: EUDEBA, 2.002) among other texts.
However, we still can not be sure of the answer to the question that arises as a community, also for work of philosophy? , Is it by chance?, "Divine intervention? or ultimately "depend on the strength and power?
[4] In this regard we can cite the work of Christopher Aljovín showing our turbulent political past, especially the continued presence of political emergency that carried the leadership. Christopher Aljovín, Warlords and constitutions. Peru from 1821 to 1845. (Lima: FCE, 2,000) and more recently, Gustavo Montoya, the independence of Peru and the specter of revolution, (Lima: IEP, 2.002)
[5] Eye political thought comes to assuming this does not necessarily takes place within a community, ie there can be no city policy speech constituted.
[6] Leo Strauss, "Introduction to History of Political Philosophy" in An Introduction to Political Philosophy, ten essays by Leo Strauss, Hilail Gilden (ed) (Detroit, Michigan: Wayne State University Press, 1989)
[ 7] Pablo Macera, Three stages in the development of national consciousness, (Lima: Fanal, 1954)
[8] definitely the best description of what an ideology is proposed by Martin Heidegger to consider the idea worldview or representation defines the thinking of modernity, and in this sense, ideology is just that a "world view." Martin Heidegger, "The age of the world picture "in: The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays (New York: Harper & Row, 1977)
[9] Leo Strauss," The three waves of modernity "in An Introduction to Political Philosophy, have essays by Leo Strauss, Hilail Gilden (ed) (Detroit, Michigan: Wayne State University Press, 1989)
[10] philosophy actually appears when you start thinking about the nature and not according to Gods In this sense, it is clear that before Socrates, Plato and Aristotle philosophy, however, Socrates in the fund would actually be the first philosopher to define a particular way to nature to consider it in terms of idea or form and not as happened with the pre-Socratic philosophy in which nature was a more physical goods. The concept of nature
actually emanates from the basic question that begins with the philosophy: What is ...? and the answer to the question "that" necessarily have to move on to the idea of \u200b\u200bthe character, form or nature of the object. Therefore, the question undoubtedly inherent in the birth of political philosophy would be the man asks, What is man? Thus penetrating the political nature of human beings. See Leo Strauss, "Introduction to History of Political Philosophy "Ibid. p.165.
[11] Leo Strauss, "What is Political Philosophy?" P. 11.
[12] Ibid .
[13] Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition, (New York: Polity Press, 1993) Chapter 2, What is politics? (New York: Polity Press, 1997)
[14] Allan Bloom, "The society's political philosopher Socrates: Socratic point of view" in: Giants and Dwarfs (Barcelona: Gedisa, 1999) p. 137.
[15] At least in theory because our thesis is that the English monarchy philosophy subject to the faith by which gradually philosophy will be losing space.
[16] organicism We think that may be reflected in the idea of \u200b\u200bempire made up of different kingdoms, or in the case of Peru in the idea of \u200b\u200bthe body of the Republic, set up by the English Republic and the Republic of Indians. Indeed, the organic view is philosophical origin. For the presentation of the organic view of the Hispanic Empire can be seen: Fernan Altuve Kingdoms of Peru notes on the monarchy Peru (Lima: Editorial Dupla SRL, 2001) second edition. The thesis of the body of the Republic, Rafael Sánchez Concha, "The body of the Republic in the colonial political thought" Humanities, No. 21. 1992.
[17] In fact, the modern natural law tradition would begin with the so-called first wave of the currency in which an author as Machiavelli might see in nature to a separate object of man and therefore would simply be moldable material according to the will of subject. The modern natural law is merely the translation of voluntarism underlying pure theology. Leo Strauss, "The three waves of modernity" Ibid., P.85.
[18] Certainly this statement may be controversial if we understand everything that appears modern and rational, however, appreciate the English imperial thought we with great influence of messianic and eschatological thought - see irrational from the modern position - although it is still discussed the nature of messianic speech may perhaps be ultimately a secular manifestation of the Christian and theological vision but with elements of pagan traditions such as the If Hesiod or Renaissance Neoplatonic traditions. For a reference of Hispanic eschatology see Ramón Mujica, Apocryphal Angels in Colonial America (Lima: FCE, 1992) can also be reviewed by Frances Yates, The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan era (Mexico: FCE, 1982) and especially his essay "Charles V and the idea of \u200b\u200bempire "in Astrea the imperial theme in the Sixteenth Century (London: Pimlico, 1993)
[19] " The royal authority comes directly from God, the author of nature, as we said. But because this is no special revelation or donation, but for some natural consequence, which shows the natural reason, for the same immediately given by God to that subject only to those who are by force of natural reason. However, this subject is the people themselves, and not some person from him, "Francisco Suarez, Defensio fidei adversus catholicae anglicanae SCTA errors, 3, 3, 12. Cited by Ignacio Gómez Robledo, The origin of political power as Francisco Suárez (Mexico: Editorial Jus, 1948) p.145.
course community here is not a sum of individuals but following the scholarly thesis and at least from a theoretical point of view an organic body, thus differentiating the contractarian theory of modern natural law. However, reference to which power is held by the community even if it was granted by God rather close to what Walter Ullmann medievalist would call up a theory of power, and this reading is basically the thesis conciliarists century XIV who opposed conceptions of power would be down closer to the vision traditional. Walter Ullmann Medieval Political Thought, Introduction (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 1970).
However, it should be added that the thesis of the "translatio imperii" can be linked to the eschatological visions of medieval historiography based on the Book of Daniel and transmitted to the West during the period of the patristic by St. Jerome imperial history unfolds in terms of four empires like the Assyrian, the Persian, Greek, Roman Empire and finally the last (fifth), which could be merged with the Habsburgs the Inca. See Mario Góngora, Study on the colonial history of Latin America (Santiago de Chile: Editorial University, 1998) pp. 213 to 222.
[20] Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories, Their origin and development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979) p.48.
[21] Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, Volume 2, The Age of Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978) p.152.
[22] The "Enlightenment philosophy" would not really philosophy, but "historicism" and Strauss correspond according to the second wave of modernity. Such discourse would be represented here by the prospect of Jean Jacques Rousseau. "The characteristics of the first wave were the reduction of moral and political problems to technical problems, and the concept of nature as a being in need of being overshadowed by the simple device which civilization "Leo Strauss," The three waves of modernity ". p.89. Rousseau
then takes us back to a stage called pre-human nature and it suffers from flaws that will work yet overtaken by history.
For a critique of the most famous illustration, ie, the French see Isaiah Berlin, The Crooked Timber of Humanity, (London: Fontana, 1991), Freedom and Its Betrayal, Vico and Herder (London: The Hogarth Press, 1976), (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2002) among others.
[23] John Gray, Liberalism (Madrid: Alianza, 1993)
[24] Pablo Macera, Three stages in the development of national consciousness
[25] Pablo Macera, Three stages in the development of national consciousness, p.69.
[26] "Memory in favor of the adoption of the republican system, read the Patriotic Society at the meeting of May 8, 1822." Bolivarian Museum Bulletin, a. 1, No. 11 p.386. Cited by Augusto Salazar Bondy between Scylla and Charybdis, (Lima: INC, 1973) p.83.
[27] Precisely this was the argument of conservative discourse, referring to Edmund Burke critically to the French Revolution, particularly the fact that she absolutely refused all of the heavy and thought it was to build an order without taking anything from what existed previously. View Edmund Burke, "Reflections on the Revolution in France" in: Select Works of Edmund Burke, Vol.2 (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1999)
[28] Aljovín Cristobal, Warlords and Constitutions, p.82.
[29] Leo Strauss, The City and Man (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1998)
[30] Which can be seen simply by looking at nature
[31] Jorge Basadre, the random history and its limits (Lima: PL Villanueva Editor, 1973) p.234.
[32] Although true worth in our country do not receive the ideas of the most important representatives of modern thought, but rather lower secondary literature disseminators of modernism as was the case of a disciple of Pufendorff, Johann Gottlieb Heinecke or influential Heineccio the pre-and post-independence and indirect disciple of Hegel, Heinrich Ahrens that had its heyday in the mid-nineteenth century. See Fernando de Trazegnies, the idea of \u200b\u200blaw in the nineteenth century Republican Peru (Lima: PUCP, 1992), pp. 77 to 89.
[33] Pablo Macera, Three stages in the development of consciousness national, p.117.
[34] The idea of \u200b\u200bpolitics understood as malleable material Machiavelli obviously born
[35] Fernando de Trazegnies, the idea of \u200b\u200blaw in the nineteenth century Republican Peru
p.156 [36] Certainly the presence of writing is a sign of lack of confidence with which we also detected a lack of community.
[37] Ibid, pp 45 to 46.
[38] exactly is the purpose of political philosophy. See Leo Strauss, What is Political Philosophy?
And Other studies [39] See in this regard Villey Michel, La pensee formation of juridique moderne. Cours d'histoire de la philosophie du droit 1961 - 1966 (Paris: Editions Montchrestien, 1968)
[40] Salvador Runs Rufino, chair of History of Natural Law (1770 - 1794) (León: Universidad de León 1993) p.111.
[41] Henry Ahrens, Natural Law Course (Madrid: Bailly - Bailliers and sons, 1906) sixth edition, p.136.
[42] Jorge Basadre, Peru: problems and possibilities, pp. 49 to 50.
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