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Bartolome Herrera and Thinking Conservative - Liberal

Artículos de Metapolítica

By Eduardo Hernando Nieto

Undoubtedly one of the most important authors in the nineteenth century, the Bishop of Arequipa, Bartolome Herrera (1808 - 1864). Educated at the famous San Carlos Convictorio which became Chancellor, she also served as Deputy Minister, Diplomat as well as being constitutional and designed a project to clear conservative mood in 1860 [1] . In the academic treatment to make a series of academic reforms seeking to banish the revolutionary and enlightened ideas that were in San Carlos [2] .

Certainly his is a speech also drew from sources that were fashionable at that time, such as French eclecticism providentialism Coussin and Bossuet, [3] and it was he who removed the "natural law" to replace the previous Heinecio historicist "Ahrens [4] . But his most famous thesis is referred to the form of government that was based on the idea of \u200b\u200b"sovereignty of intelligence" as a way to counter the theories of popular sovereignty spread through the work of Rousseau [ 5] and linked to modernism, liberalism and the French Revolution:
"They want to know, doi how much the people in the formation of leies (...) to believe that fear is not telling the truth when somehow able to influence public policy, injenuamente answer: the people, that is, the sum of individuals of all ages and has not the capacity nor the right to make laws. The Leies, according to confess the Patriots, are eternal principles founded on the nature of things: principles that can not be seen clearly, but the understandings are accustomed to selling the difficulties of mental work and exercised in scientific inquiry. Do most of the people is in a state to undertake the difficult task, indispensable to find these principles? No: it has no capacity. And who does not have the ability to do something, you can not say without being absurd, you are entitled to do so. The right to dictate the leies belongs to the most INTELLIGENCE - the aristocracy of knowledge, created by nature " [6]

The people would be required to consent to the government of the ablest basically natural and authorities need in turn would have the right to send [7] . And the people do not delegate any power because it is in your hands as claimed by the revolutionary discourse. The authority emanates from the nature of God and this eventually. For him, "justice is respect the body's own social order, balance preset social hierarchies " [8] .

In this regard, we would talk on the theory of an organic model in practice but should be contrasted with the reality of Peru (no estates for example), so the final result would not be an organic body politic but While a strong and concentrated, in which the president can be reelected indefinitely, the executive can veto legislation and dissolve the Congress and other powers [9] . In other words, what he was doing Bartolomé Herrera - according to his critics would be to use rational argument to justify an authoritarian regime [10] to lead the country towards progress.

Obviously, this authoritative discourse would be countered by liberal writers, and especially by Benito Lazo and Francisco de Paula Gonzalez Vigil, Judge Priest first and the second, but rather both embraced the principles of the French Enlightenment tradition and liberal religion (in its most widespread variant here, the contractual and rational) based on love of neighbor, solidarity, tolerance, coupled with the belief in progress, science, reason and religion [11] , as if this could be mixed without problems.

In fact, his speech was marked by the defense of the law against the attacks of warlordism [12] , in this sense is also evident that the liberal discourse ignored the nature of politics, especially the presence of exceptionality, and this precisely because the French Enlightenment was based as an abstract thought, isolated in space (geography) and time (history) and thus could not incorporate random or violence within the political reality [13] .

However, not necessarily as simple simplify Herrera thesis and its critics in terms authoritarianism and legalism because from the standpoint of classical political philosophy, perhaps even their own rivals also exhibit a liberal attitude in its original sense as suggested by Leo Strauss in his text "Liberalism Ancient and Modern" [14] .

So for Strauss was a liberal person who could practice the liberal, ie, the generosity, but to be generous one in the first place had to have some wealth (which obviously could not be in the hands of all) and other side had to show a prudent and moderate conduct, meaning he had to be an educated person in his character. [15] . To what extent so-called conservatives - like Arnold - and liberals - and Lazo - did not share this definition of liberal? And if this was true then we must consider that more was what they had in common that distinguished them.
[1] Bartolomé Herrera, Writings and Speeches, edited by the Congress under the leadership of Jorge Guillermo Leguía and Jorge Basadre, 2 Volumes, T.1, 1929, T. II, 1931. You can see also Augustine of Assisi, Bartolomé Herrera, Political Thinker, Sevilla, Escuela de Estudios Hispano - American Sevilla, 1954; Jorge Leguia, Men and Ideas in Peru, Santiago de Chile, 1941.
[2] Agustín de Asís, Bartolomé Herrera, Political Thinker ... p.17.
This meant specifically to eradicate sensualist philosophy of Condillac and Locke and Rousseau and Jansenists influences of San Carlos to introduce also de Maistre and Bonald.
[3] Jorge Basadre, Peru, problems and possibilities, Lima, Cotecsa, 1984, p.74.
[4] That being liable for the thought of Hegel and Krause, would be close to historicism.
[5] actually based on a very elementary and superficial reading of the work of Geneva as it does not correspond to the idea that the government should be in the hands of the people or of the majority but of the general will which is something completely different. Straussian political philosophers themselves have been responsible for giving us a closer look at Rousseau's thought. See Allan Bloom, Giants and Dwarfs, Barcelona, \u200b\u200bGedisa, 1999.
[6] Bartolomé Herrera, Writings and Speeches, TI ..., p.131. Certainly, there is some affinity between these ideas and political concepts of authors such as Joseph de Maistre and Juan Donoso Cortes, considered reactionary thinkers, however, advocating reactionary thought such a dictatorship - like the saber in Donoso - would be much more pessimistic with respect to human nature, love to take less seriously the theological and consider more valuable the idea of \u200b\u200bmonarchy. In fact, Herrera, has many similarities with the first Donoso, ie the doctrinaire liberals Donoso. See Eduardo Hernando Nieto, Thinking Dangerously reactionary thought and the dilemmas of deliberative democracy, Lima, Fondo Editorial Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru, 2002 and Luis Diez del Corral, doctrinaire Liberalism, Madrid., Institute of Political Studies , 1956.
[7] Fernando de Trazegnies, the idea of \u200b\u200bthe right of law in the nineteenth century Republican Peru, Lima. PUCP p.95.
[8] Ibid ... p.99.
[9] Ibid . ... P.100.
[10] Gonzalo Portocarrero, "Conservatism, Liberalism and Democracy in the Nineteenth Century", In: Alberto Adrianzen, (ed) Political Thought of Peru, Lima, DESCO, 1987, p.95.
[11] Raúl Ferrero, Peruvian Liberalism, Typography Peru, Lima, 1958.
[12] Gonzalo Portocarrero, "Conservatism, Liberalism and Democracy in the Nineteenth Century" ... p.96.
[13] See Carl Schmitt, Political Theology, Buenos Aires, Struhart & Cia, 1998. The theme of exceptionalism has always been close to the classical political vision and can be seen very clearly in thinkers such as Donoso Cortés. Also the exclusion of the random sample positivist or Machiavellian character of the artwork. See Leo Strauss, "The three waves of modernity" in An Introduction to Political Philosophy, ten essays by Leo Strauss, Hilail Gilden (ed) Detroit, Michigan, Wayne University Press, 1989
[14] Leo Strauss, Liberalism old modern, Buenos Aires, Katz, 2007.
[15] Ibid . pp. 10 -11. Note also the difference of this definition with more contemporary liberal characterize as one that does not seek to cause pain to another. See Richard Rorty, Contingency, Irony and Solidarity, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1996

How Do You Know When A Scorpio Man Likes You

Ernst Jünger and the Lordship of Worker


Metapolítica

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By Eduardo Hernando Nieto

a long time ago I wanted to write about one of the most important meta trials published in the twentieth century by the German master Ernst Jünger [1] , "Der Arbeiter. Herrschaft und Gestalt "(" The Worker. Domain and Figure "), the controversial work - as discussed - was rejected both by some leaders of National Socialism as the Communists, however, paradoxically the latter came to checking the work of fascist while for some conservatives was a bet in favor of atheistic materialism.
Finally, and after Jünger comment, it is likely that not many Nazis or the communists would have understood his work precisely because it had nothing to do directly with the quota policy but with the meta. So Junger said about the text and the mythical figure of the worker that "I see in the worker a mythical figure who makes his entry into our world, and issues in the nineteenth century that rely essentially on the economy are not involved in me but in a second line. Ie which has the power in his capacity as Titan has also naturally the money. " [2] In this regard, he added, had left at the age of the Gods and we were in the Titans ie, in the era of power, although those who hold it - said Jünger - try to appear as philanthropists or Marxists. [3]
But, specifically representing the figure of the worker?
Indeed, it was a force that stormed the twentieth century as a distinct alternative to the bourgeois, which in any case never connect with the energy of nature as if could do it "the worker", "the worker has, in effect, a relationship with the elemental powers of whose very existence was never the slightest hint bourgeois" [4] , this also allowed him to obtain a form of freedom very different from the bourgeois, in fact, in the working world of freedom appeared to claim as a claim of work. Definitely
"The Worker" smells a lot of gunpowder from the trenches of the First World War (the book was published in 1932) and is imposed as a demonstration avizoraría overcoming of bourgeois individualism and proletarian socialism, as you said my dear friend, the Mexican essayist José Luis Ontiveros, and that such improvement could only be understood through the way of Nietzsche: "the universalization of nihilism is for a universal art. The worker will join in a single value, the tekne with poiesis, that is, the inventive creation, providing the technical sense of alethia, disclosure, discovery of Being and essence. The work describes the technique of neutral value the bourgeois world had given him to build the happiness of the poor, calls into question the meaning of art as a humanization of the world, in which acclimate the rough to live in the domestic, the lethargy and indolence. The technique is a means of focusing on a doctrine of salvation, teaching the pain score in the will, is a value that must heroizarse, be epic, against the economic conception of bourgeois civilization that restricts the technique to half Suppression of nature. " [5] I totally agree with
Ontiveros, you should consider reading this superb work of Jünger is in the light of the vision of "Konservative Revolution" of the interwar period, and as he saw the delineated Jung worker as a form of development of the Prussian [6] , ie as a figure similar to the Gurrero (mainly at work Vindicated "Storms of Steel"), and somewhat close to anarcho that appears after the "death" of the worker (see this case "emboscadura" or also translated as "The treaty with the rebel.")
The essence of the "Arbeiter" then lay in the possibility of altering the "Zeitgeist" of the Enlightenment and transformed in a radical way thus ending the dictatorship of the area claimed by bourgeois liberalism and Marxist socialism, in front of them stood because the person in charge of recovering the true meaning of the Art, as a revelation or discovery, a new attempt to restore the sacred to the world, a way back in this twilight stage to the origins of the proximity to the Gods, unfortunately, the excitement did not last long because Jüngeriana the abyss modernity had a greater depth than anticipated at the time by Jünger, hence, the emergence of anarchist and the need to act as a "ambushed" while awaiting the end rather not be done.
[1] Later I'll do with Julius Evola and "Riding the Tiger"
[2] Julien boiled, Conversations with Ernst Jünger, Mexico, FCE, 1990, p.62.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ernst Jünger, The Worker, Madrid, Tusquets, 1990, p.25.
[5] José Luis Ontiveros, The Sword and gangrene, Mexico, Mexico State Institute of Culture, 1992, p.77.
[6] Here is a direct relationship with Oswald Spengler, Cf Prussianism and Socialism, Argentina, National and Foreign Editions, 1935. Spengler said: "Although the term refers to the region where it has found a powerful performance and where it has developed a high level, I have to say is this: Prussianism is an understanding of life, an instinct, a spirit of solidarity, is a summary of spiritual qualities and finally body also .. "p.63. ca

Cute Sayings For Salons

The Liberal Left Conservatism


Metapolítica

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conversation with my friend the philosopher Victor Samuel Rivera ( http://www.victorsamuelrivera.blogspot.com/ ) exchanged views on fashion around this left-liberal scholars to adhere fervently to the call pragmatism, with the American professor (now deceased) Richard Rorty his new Guru and mentor. Gone
then Kant, Rawls and Habermas and they all give up now before this philosophical Anglo-Saxon root that seems to offer an attractive and simple argument to all the beliefs they advocate so vehemently as the obvious case of human rights, deliberative democracy, tolerance, transitional justice, civil society etc., etc. , etc.
But, before to refer to what I was saying to Victor Samuel, would need to know some basic scope of this new kind of pragmatism developed by Rorty on the basis of the classical theorists of the nineteenth century American power as Dewey, and James Pearce.
As is known, pragmatism is characterized by its rejection of any absolute truth and that the conceptual world (formal) the intellectual (rationalism) were unable to reflect reality.
Thus, one might say that "Pragmatism is an American movement in philosophy founded by CS Peirce and William James and characterized by the doctrines that the meaning of concepts must be found in its practical implications for the function of thought is to guide action and that the truth should consider pre-eminently by the practical consequences of belief "

Thus, as stated was no truth to them at the convergence of reality and thought but the utility they represented to the subject, not necessarily be useful as what providing pleasure or comfort to the subject but that serves to organize the world a practical way of thinking.
Richard Rorty, then picks up many of the theses of classical pragmatism to conclude with a completely anti-metaphysical and anti-foundational discourse as expected, in particular highlighting the contingency of language that was built just across the universe of modern philosophy then demonstrating the relativity of concepts such as rationalism and irrationalism or truth and falsehood, for example, they had behind them a living obviously be essential. However, Rorty would take care not to be accused of relativism (as also would be the case Isaiah Berlin, for example) while, it remained possible that the presence of consensus.
Undoubtedly, the best-known book Rorty has been Contingency, Irony and Solidarity, [1] text in which the American professor says it looks like to propose a liberal utopia in which one can speak of irony ( would mean the fund is not taken seriously any beliefs including ours) and at the same time also of solidarity in the sense that one must recognize other human beings as "one of us", thanks to our imagination.
as follows:
"The subject of Rorty the ironist, the citizens of their society Liberals are people who perceive the contingency of their language of moral deliberation, consciousness and community. The paradigmatic figure is the liberal ironist who think that cruelty is the worst thing you can do and who combines a commitment to understanding the contingency of their own commitment and here is the irony. "
turn, in a famous interview, Rorty needed on what was meant by the liberal utopia "is simply the idea, not new, of equal opportunities. More or less what Rawls describes in his book, a theory of justice, the idea of \u200b\u200ba society in which inequality and although there are reasons for it, would still many more otherwise " [2] .
Finally, for the achievement of his liberal utopia, Rorty bet on the development of a narrative against a theory, ie, a historicist and nominalist culture to communicate the present with the past on the one hand, and partly with utopias future, considering the continued manifestation of utopias as a clear presence of freedom. In short, freedom replaced the truth, and this was the main characteristic of liberal society.
But the tenor of the conversation to Victor Samuel Rivera was not exactly on the side of affirming the paradoxically conservative rortiano pragmatism and neo-pragmatism, they are clearly what we see today is rather the affirmation of a set of liberal values \u200b\u200b(individualism, human rights, etc..) obviously would have a degree of permanence in time - at least for liberals - and that without questions contain the essence of what we now call political correctness. But if we follow the discourse of contingency, we would expect that in future such values \u200b\u200bcan be moved, in fact, in the past we could find many ways not just liberal pragmatism, ie of various ideological tint [3] Edmund Burke in the eighteenth century (if the great enemy of the French Revolution that is claimed to date by the liberal left) was a pragmatist, Benito Mussolini in the twentieth century (this is commented Victor Samuel) was also another representative of pragmatism since then and in that context the rules stated fascism were the rules of common sense.

curious affinity between Burke then with Mussolini and the latter with Rorty!. Sure there may say that Mussolini could not be a liberal pragmatist because as the teacher pointed out - too late - Judith Shklar, a liberal would be one which would consider the worst act that could make would be an act of cruelty, and Mussolini would probably be seen - by the Communists and the Liberals - as a cruel man is, someone not supportive (although it could have been supportive of his countrymen love that he originally came from the quarries of socialism.)
Anyway, I think that there are still a lot to say about this problem of contingency, irony and solidarity, especially how it could continue to support this "utopia" that preaches freedom, but can not find the way to give real meaning to it, just what if you could make a metaphysical discourse which would be also essential for her to finally be valued and not become just a word used in political struggle.
[1] Richard Rorty, Contingency, Irony and Solidarity, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1996
[2] Richard Rorty, Protecting freedom, Madrid, Trotta, 2005
[3] Clearly, Rorty and the company Liberalism is not an ideology